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By Mark Reid

Each Canadian is familiar with a handful of dates that modified our country—July 1, 1867; November eleven, 1918; September 28, 1972—but our nation’s historical past, now greater than 50,000 days lengthy, runs a lot deeper than these iconic moments. From politics and wars to ordinary failures, innovations and activities, this hugely readable and fantastically designed album bargains an enticing and insightful portrait of lifestyles in all components of Canada. that includes a beautiful array of color and black-and-white images, a hundred Days that modified Canada is a sublime memento and a vital addition to each library.

Contributors comprise Michael Bliss, Stevie Cameron, Adrienne Clarkson, Tim cook dinner, Charlotte grey, Ken McGoogan, Dick Pound, Bob Rae, Peter Mansbridge, Rona Maynard, Peter C. Newman, Margaret Wente and Brian Williams.

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Hutton, in Visions of a “Post-Staples” Economy (1994), argued that some regions were showing signs of the emergence of a post-staples economy, signs such as Liberal Democracy in Oil-Exporting Countries 45 industrialization and urbanization, resources depletion, the regionalization of markets, and industrial restructuring. At that time, these elements were seen by some as driving the Canadian political economy in a new, post-staples direction, as illustrated by the apparent importance of manufacturing and tertiary activities, the rise of social movements, the importance of knowledge elites, urbanization, and increasingly disconnected regional politics (Howlett and Brownsey 1996; Howlett and Ramesh 1992; Hutton 1994).

Hutton, in Visions of a “Post-Staples” Economy (1994), argued that some regions were showing signs of the emergence of a post-staples economy, signs such as Liberal Democracy in Oil-Exporting Countries 45 industrialization and urbanization, resources depletion, the regionalization of markets, and industrial restructuring. At that time, these elements were seen by some as driving the Canadian political economy in a new, post-staples direction, as illustrated by the apparent importance of manufacturing and tertiary activities, the rise of social movements, the importance of knowledge elites, urbanization, and increasingly disconnected regional politics (Howlett and Brownsey 1996; Howlett and Ramesh 1992; Hutton 1994).

Ultimately, it is not the commodity of oil itself that is the culprit, but the exacerbation of the tension between the individualist and collectivist assumptions underlying liberal democracy, an amplification brought on by the great wealth generated in a short span of time in a neoliberal context. This tension between the core assumptions of democracy is evident in the theoretical debates on liberal democracy and is explored in the next section. Liberal Democratic Theory and Application: Two Sides of Different Coins The ongoing debate on the nature and components of liberal democracy appears to be happening on two largely unconnected planes.

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